{"id":4199,"date":"2020-11-12T20:47:17","date_gmt":"2020-11-12T20:47:17","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/southandcentralasiablog\/?p=4199"},"modified":"2020-11-12T20:49:07","modified_gmt":"2020-11-12T20:49:07","slug":"the-aftermath-of-kyrgyzstans-political-upheaval-and-the-rise-of-sadyr-japarov","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/southandcentralasiablog\/2020\/11\/12\/the-aftermath-of-kyrgyzstans-political-upheaval-and-the-rise-of-sadyr-japarov\/","title":{"rendered":"The aftermath of Kyrgyzstan&#8217;s political upheaval and the rise of Sadyr Japarov"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><a href=\"https:\/\/www.themoscowtimes.com\/2020\/10\/26\/whos-in-charge-following-revolution-in-kyrgyzstan-a71856\">https:\/\/www.themoscowtimes.com\/2020\/10\/26\/whos-in-charge-following-revolution-in-kyrgyzstan-a71856<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Last month, Kyrgyzstan underwent their third political revolution in the last twenty years. After an election that was immediately recognized (or at the very least, accused of being) rigged and corrupt, the small post-soviet Central Asian nation fell into chaos. WIthin days of the election, political prisoners were freed from prison, the prime minister resigned, and the parliamentary building in Bishkek was overrun with besieging revolutionaries.\u00a0 Soon enough, the President Sooronbay Jeenbekov finally stepped down, in an attempt to mollify the raging violence on the streets and restore political order. In his place emerged a man who, within a matter of ten days, went from the indignity of a prison cell to holding both the offices of the Prime Minister and the interim President. His name is Sadyr Japarov, a fervent Kyrgyz populist, whose connections with the country\u2019s elite, along with his rabble-rousing nationalistic rhetoric, have propelled him to fill the post-revolution power vacuum.\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">In the article provided above, the author questions just how much longer Japarov can sustain the support of the elite and the populist crowd. We know that he is politically ambitious, which means that despite the constitutional prohibition against sitting presidents running in snap elections, he will likely overrule it and run anyway. If he is to do this and become a true democratically elected president, Japarov must begin living up to his words against corruption in politics; doing this, however, may provoke the wrath of his closest elite associates, the very people who have helped make his career and the ones who rescued him from prison and placed him into political power within days. The problem here lies in where exactly Japarov\u2019s motives lie, which is a question that can never really be answered.\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The future of Kyrgyzstan&#8217;s government is perhaps a \u201cniche\u201d geopolitical topic. It is perhaps not of particular relevance on any large scale. All that said, it is still incredibly fascinating.&nbsp;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>https:\/\/www.themoscowtimes.com\/2020\/10\/26\/whos-in-charge-following-revolution-in-kyrgyzstan-a71856 Last month, Kyrgyzstan underwent their third political revolution in the last twenty years. After an election that was immediately recognized (or at the very least, accused of being) rigged and corrupt, the small post-soviet Central Asian nation fell into chaos. WIthin days of the election, political prisoners were freed from prison, the prime minister resigned, and the parliamentary building&#8230; <a href=\"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/southandcentralasiablog\/2020\/11\/12\/the-aftermath-of-kyrgyzstans-political-upheaval-and-the-rise-of-sadyr-japarov\/\">Read more &raquo;<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":156,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-4199","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-analysis-post"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/southandcentralasiablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4199","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/southandcentralasiablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/southandcentralasiablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/southandcentralasiablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/156"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/southandcentralasiablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4199"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/southandcentralasiablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4199\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":4201,"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/southandcentralasiablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4199\/revisions\/4201"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/southandcentralasiablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4199"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/southandcentralasiablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4199"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/southandcentralasiablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4199"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}