{"id":4799,"date":"2021-05-21T18:24:01","date_gmt":"2021-05-21T18:24:01","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/?p=4799"},"modified":"2021-05-21T18:24:01","modified_gmt":"2021-05-21T18:24:01","slug":"mozambiques-response-to-insurgency-perplexes-neighbors","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/2021\/05\/21\/mozambiques-response-to-insurgency-perplexes-neighbors\/","title":{"rendered":"Mozambique\u2019s Response to Insurgency Perplexes Neighbors"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><a href=\"https:\/\/www.bloomberg.com\/news\/articles\/2021-05-19\/mozambique-s-response-to-insurgency-perplexes-neighbors\">https:\/\/www.bloomberg.com\/news\/articles\/2021-05-19\/mozambique-s-response-to-insurgency-perplexes-neighbors<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Despite repeated efforts from the Southern African Development Community (SADC), led by South Africa, the government of Mozambique continues to persist in its reticence to accept any offers of outside military aid for the ongoing insurgency crisis in the country\u2019s northern region, Caba Delgado. Indeed, Mozambique has remained hesitant to conduct any form of action in the region, and this inaction undoubtedly stems from fear of the possibility of violent war. Since 2017, Cabo Delgado has faced relentless chaos from a radical Islamic State terrorist group, which in 2020 significantly increased its hold of power in the region. According to the most recent numbers, the terrorist group has taken at least 2,838 lives and driven 700,000 others from their homes. The region continues to suffer through a power outage that started in September of last year.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Even though Mozambique\u2019s president, FIlipe Nyusi, continues to deny military aid from his neighbors, he has accepted \u201cintelligence co-operation\u201d from other foreign nations, presumably outside of the SADC. According to South Africa\u2019s Minister of State Security, Ayanda Dlodlo, the president of Mozambique has welcomed the help of other foreign nations outside of the SADC, much to the puzzlement of SADC nations such as South Africa offering military aid. Regardless, Dlodlo emphasized that if Nyusi eventually changes his mind, the SADC is fully prepared to provide troops on-the-ground in the Cabo Delgado region in order to quell the terrorist insurgency.&nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The situation in Cabo Delgado seems to be growing increasingly dire with each passing day. The reasons behind Mozambique\u2019s reluctance to intervene are certainly reasonable in the short term, but such a response (or rather a lack thereof) will not be sustainable deeper into the future. Mozambique fears above everything else the consequences of a war with the terrorists, which could result in the nation\u2019s loss of sovereignty. Yet the problem remains that their sovereignty is being challenged <em>right now<\/em> , with its people are suffering and dying at the hands of insurgent terrorists. <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>https:\/\/www.bloomberg.com\/news\/articles\/2021-05-19\/mozambique-s-response-to-insurgency-perplexes-neighbors Despite repeated efforts from the Southern African Development Community (SADC), led by South Africa, the government of Mozambique continues to persist in its reticence to accept any offers of outside military aid for the ongoing insurgency crisis in the country\u2019s northern region, Caba Delgado. Indeed, Mozambique has remained hesitant to conduct any form of action in the region, and&#8230; <a href=\"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/2021\/05\/21\/mozambiques-response-to-insurgency-perplexes-neighbors\/\">Read more &raquo;<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":156,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-4799","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-article"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4799","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/156"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4799"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4799\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":4800,"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4799\/revisions\/4800"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4799"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4799"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4799"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}