{"id":4974,"date":"2021-11-30T02:49:43","date_gmt":"2021-11-30T02:49:43","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/?p=4974"},"modified":"2021-11-30T02:49:43","modified_gmt":"2021-11-30T02:49:43","slug":"congo-denies-agreeing-to-joint-operations-with-ugandan-army","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/2021\/11\/30\/congo-denies-agreeing-to-joint-operations-with-ugandan-army\/","title":{"rendered":"Congo denies agreeing to joint operations with Ugandan army"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Link to article:<\/strong> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/africa\/congo-denies-agreeing-joint-operations-with-ugandan-army-2021-11-29\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

On Monday, November 29, 2021, the Democratic Republic of Congo\u2019s government declined participation in joint operations with the Ugandan army against Islamic State rebels accused of suicide bombing. The Congolese government also insisted that the DRC and Uganda were only sharing intelligence. The Islamic State claimed that its local affiliate, the Allied Democratic Forces, were behind a bombing on November 16th that killed four innocents and injured dozens more. The reports of a potential cross-border campaign between the two states has made some Congolese people anxious due to Uganda\u2019s involvement in civil wars that continued until 2003. The Congolese President, Felix Tshisekedi, said that he authorized military cooperation with Uganda against the ADF, which would explain the sharing of intelligence. The Ugandan foreign minister has claimed that Uganda has the right to pursue the ADF into the DRC where they have been stationed for two decades. Kinshasa (Capital of the DRC) still seeks over $13 billion in reparations from the Ugandan capital, Kampala, for Uganda\u2019s involvement in the conflict that took place between 1998-2003.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This article is important since the DRC and Uganda are still working together even though the DRC refuses to jointly operate with them. This provides grounds for the future development of positive relations and gives the possibility of a coordinated effort to remove the ADF from the area. Clearly, the DRC has to please its citizens and therefore is making an intelligent move by refusing to outright work in tandem with Uganda. On the other hand, there is still the chance for mounting tensions since Uganda is eager to intrude into the DRC to pursue the ADF (which would breach their sovereignty and likely provoke repressed anger) while the DRC is still rightfully disgruntled over Uganda\u2019s involvement in Congo\u2019s civil wars.\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

To start, this situation falls into the category of international security since the ADF is a threat to the security of both states and their borders. Different global actors are involved such as the states of Uganda and the DRC, along with the non-state actors of the ADF and the Islamic State group. This case could fit into the realist perspective considering both states are really only concerned with their own security and thus are only sharing intelligence and performing concerted efforts rather than actual joint operations. At the same time, the liberal solution is applicable given that both states are working with some level of cooperation for the common benefit rather than one dominating the other.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Link to article: https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/africa\/congo-denies-agreeing-joint-operations-with-ugandan-army-2021-11-29\/ On Monday, November 29, 2021, the Democratic Republic of Congo\u2019s government declined participation in joint operations with the Ugandan army against Islamic State rebels accused of suicide bombing. The Congolese government also insisted that the DRC and Uganda were only sharing intelligence. The Islamic State claimed that its local affiliate, the Allied Democratic Forces, were behind… Read more »<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":211,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-4974","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-article"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4974","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/211"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=4974"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4974\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":4975,"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/4974\/revisions\/4975"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=4974"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=4974"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=4974"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}