{"id":6024,"date":"2024-03-12T16:43:17","date_gmt":"2024-03-12T16:43:17","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/?p=6024"},"modified":"2024-03-12T16:43:17","modified_gmt":"2024-03-12T16:43:17","slug":"kenyas-haiti-mission-in-limbo-as-urgency-grows","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/2024\/03\/12\/kenyas-haiti-mission-in-limbo-as-urgency-grows\/","title":{"rendered":"Kenya’s Haiti mission in limbo as urgency grows"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/kenyas-haiti-mission-limbo-urgency-grows-2024-03-12\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Haitian Prime Minister Ariel Henry signed a deal with Kenya’s government last July that said that Kenya would aid Haiti in an international security mission to help confront the gangs controlling the capital. The coast has cleared deployment and Kenyan officers are expected to arrive in Haiti soon after resolving a court dispute that claimed that the plan would be unlawful. The U.S. Defense Department has pledged 300 million dollars to Kenya to support the mission in hopes of Haiti gaining stability through Kenya\u2019s efforts. Kenya\u2019s military has previously helped in Somalia but never at such a large scale which has raised concerns among African director Murithi Mutiga in the International Crisis think tank claiming that the security situation in Haiti is \u201cmuch worse than when Kenya offered to lead the mission\u201d. Current Haitian Prime Minister Ariel Henry hasn\u2019t been able to return to Haiti since the signing of the deal because of the gangs and rampant violence. Henry has since released a statement claiming that he would make his resignation official as soon as a transition and council and temporary replacement were appointed. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Haiti\u2019s deal with Kenya is important because Haiti\u2019s instability has become a long-standing issue in the international community to the point where the U.S., Kenya, and the U.N. have all expressed their concerns about the conditions in Haiti. If Kenya is able to reach Haiti then there will be an opportunity for a resolution to the conflicts and for order to occur with a secular form of government. However, Kenya has never accomplished a mission on such a large scale so they may end up unsuccessful if they don\u2019t receive enough external funding from the U.S. and the U.N. to fund their police units. I think the event may also bring up new questions about whether there\u2019s a need for a \u201creciprocal agreement\u201d in future missions where a country is going into another country to maintain order when it could be considered unlawful. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Haiti\u2019s instability connects to class because it\u2019s an example of a non-international armed conflict resulting from poverty and the rise of gang violence or organized crime. There are hundreds of gangs in Haiti that have taken over the country which have raised international concerns and are classified as a high threat to the stability of Haiti. Kenya\u2019s interference is considered an example of offshore balancing for the United States because the United States is funding Kenya so that its military can help Haiti using an ally without direct military interference from the United States. <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/kenyas-haiti-mission-limbo-urgency-grows-2024-03-12\/ Haitian Prime Minister Ariel Henry signed a deal with Kenya’s government last July that said that Kenya would aid Haiti in an international security mission to help confront the gangs controlling the capital. The coast has cleared deployment and Kenyan officers are expected to arrive in Haiti soon after resolving a court dispute that claimed that the plan would… Read more »<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":247,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-6024","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-article"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6024","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/247"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=6024"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6024\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":6025,"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6024\/revisions\/6025"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=6024"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=6024"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=6024"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}