{"id":6041,"date":"2024-03-13T15:57:57","date_gmt":"2024-03-13T15:57:57","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/?p=6041"},"modified":"2024-03-13T15:57:57","modified_gmt":"2024-03-13T15:57:57","slug":"kenya-halts-deployment-of-police-in-haiti-amidst-pm-resignation","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/2024\/03\/13\/kenya-halts-deployment-of-police-in-haiti-amidst-pm-resignation\/","title":{"rendered":"Kenya halts Deployment of Police in Haiti Amidst PM Resignation"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Link to article: <a href=\"https:\/\/allafrica.com\/stories\/202403130091.html\">https:\/\/allafrica.com\/stories\/202403130091.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Haiti has been under turbulent gang violence for many years now and Kenya, being another UN member, has been looking to assist Haiti and bring the falling country to its feet. Back in 2023, Kenya led Resolution 2699, which stood for a multinational mission to help the Haitian Police Force get control of the gangs that are destroying the country. Kenya then agreed to send over 1000 police officers to help limit the troubles caused by the gangs. However, Ariel Henry, Haiti&#8217;s Prime Minister, resigned and is stranded in Puerto Rico along with other top officials. A transitional government was formed but stability is far from being reached. Following Henry&#8217;s resignation, the state of Haiti appeared too unstable for Kenya to feel comfortable sending support, so they halted the intended deployment. The UN-backed mission is still ongoing, but has been pushed further back into the pre-deployment stage. <\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">Kenya&#8217;s decision is justified as Haiti is recovering from a momentary power vacuum. The country is swarmed with violence and crime and does not have an internal plan that they are prepared to carry out to solve the problem. When it comes to Kenya&#8217;s decision, a significant factor is having the UN back their decision, therefore they will need approval before the final decision to deploy troops is made. This stamp of approval is unlikely to come until Haiti addresses their governmental problems. Due to the nature of the problem in Haiti, the conflicts will not expand regionally any time soon. Unless the transitional government folds and a significant power vacuum leads to a dangerous group taking control, the issue will remain national. Even if the worst case scenario comes true, it will take years to unfold and begin affecting nearby states.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\">The initial UN resolution (Resolution 2699) led by Kenya displayed the extent of support the UN is willing to provide. Coinciding with this understanding is the fact that the pause on the deployment of officers represents how the UN functions; every country not willing to overextend themselves one bit for another unless it serves somewhat in their national interest. Had Haiti maintained a stable government, some UN countries would likely still feel comfortable sending officers and help as there would be less of a risk. Overall, it displays the limited support in which IGOs provide despite them still serving the purpose they set out to serve.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p class=\"wp-block-paragraph\"><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Link to article: https:\/\/allafrica.com\/stories\/202403130091.html Haiti has been under turbulent gang violence for many years now and Kenya, being another UN member, has been looking to assist Haiti and bring the falling country to its feet. Back in 2023, Kenya led Resolution 2699, which stood for a multinational mission to help the Haitian Police Force get control of the gangs that&#8230; <a href=\"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/2024\/03\/13\/kenya-halts-deployment-of-police-in-haiti-amidst-pm-resignation\/\">Read more &raquo;<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":251,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-6041","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-article"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6041","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/251"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=6041"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6041\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":6043,"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6041\/revisions\/6043"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=6041"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=6041"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/baileyonlineclassroom.com\/subsaharanafricablog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=6041"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}